Monday Message Board

I’m on the road for a couple of weeks, first on a short visit to the Snowy Mountains, and then going to the Economists’ conference in Canberra. So postings may be infrequent and erratic (that is, more erratic than usual). I hope readers will fill the gap with their views on any topic (as always, civilised discussion and no coarse language please).

Honest, or effective?

In the comments thread for my post on Lomborg, I’ve been presented yet again with the widely-reproduced quotation in which Stephen Schneider is supposed to have advocated scientific dishonesty in the interests of environmentalism. In fact, the history of this quote proves exactly the opposite of the point intended by those who use it.

The original quote, was in an interview by Discover Magazine in 1989, where Schneider discussed the problems of dealing with the media. (I’ve looked in vain for the full interview, so I’ll make my usual appeal for help on this).
The relevant paragraph is

On the one hand, as scientists we are ethically bound to the scientific method, in effect promising to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but – which means that we must include all the doubts, the caveats, the ifs, ands, and buts. On the other hand, we are not just scientists but human beings as well. And like most people we’d like to see the world a better place, which in this context translates into our working to reduce the risk of potentially disastrous climatic change. To do that we need to get some broadbased support, to capture the public’s imagination. That, of course, entails getting loads of media coverage. So we have to offer up scary scenarios, make simplified, dramatic statements, and make little mention of any doubts we might have. This ‘double ethical bind’ we frequently find ourselves in cannot be solved by any formula. Each of us has to decide what the right balance is between being effective and being honest. I hope that means being both.

The first public use of this quote against Simon was by the late Julian Simon (of whom Lomborg is a big fan). Here’s the version he printed, in the APS News, March 1996

Scientist should consider stretching the truth to get some broad base support, to capture the public’s imagination. That, of course, entails getting loads of media coverage. So we have to offer up scary scenarios, make simplified, dramatic statements, and make little mention about any doubts we might have… Each of us has to decide what the right balance is between being effective and being honest. (emphasis added)

The section in bold is a complete fabrication and the remainder of the quote has been distorted by omission of key sentences, notably the final one. Schneider demanded and received the right to print a correction.

One might think that having been caught out in this fashion, Simon and his friends would either avoid using this quote or be careful to get it right. Not a bit of it. Both Simon and his numerous followers have continued to use distorted versions of this quote. (I should note that Lomborg used a short version but was careful enough to give the full quote in a footnote). Here for example is John Daly

To capture the public imagination, we have to offer up some scary scenarios, make simplified dramatic statements and little mention of any doubts one might have. Each of us has to decide the right balance between being effective, and being honest.

Note that critical sentences have been omitted or run together with no indication of what has been done.

What’s really interesting about this episode is that Schneider’s opponents are committing exactly the offence of which they accuse him. They are convinced he is a dangerous scaremonger who needs to be exposed in the interest of “making the world a better place”. Unfortunately, their best piece of evidence has a lot of “ifs, ands and buts”. So rather than “tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but”, they extract the “simplified dramatic statements” and serve them up to “capture the public imagination”. Indeed, “each of us has to decide what the right balance is between being effective and being honest”, and for not of all us does it mean being both.

UpdateAs regards my own reaction to Schneider’s views, I’ll restate what I said the first time I discussed this. “Iâm not a huge fan of Schneider – I find him overly prone to alarmism, and even in the corrected version I think this comes through. But that doesnât justify reproducing quotations from obviously hostile sources without the simple precaution of a Google check.”

War is bad for health

Not long after the fall of Baghdad, I wrote a piece for the Fin pointing out that the

The total budget of the USAID, the main US agency for development and humanitarian assistance is $8.7 billion for the coming year. That is, the money already spent on the Iraq war could have doubled USAID’s budget for the next five years.

It seems certain, however, that the war will herald a sustained increase in military expenditure of at least $US100 billion per year. A more reasonable comparison, therefore, is the ambitious proposal of the Commission on Macroeconomics and Health, led by Harvard Economist Jeffrey Sachs. The Commission aimed to achieve, for all a poor countries, a two-thirds reduction of 1990 child mortality levels, a three-fourths reduction of 1990 maternal mortality ratios and an end to the rising prevalence of major diseases, especially HIV/AIDS.

As the Commission pointed out, in addition to the humanitarian benefits of saving as many as 8 million lives per year, reductions in mortality are directly correlated with a reduced frequency of military coups and state collapse. These provide the breeding ground for terrorism and dictatorship and ultimately lead, in many cases, lead to US military intervention. The estimated cost for the Commission’s seemingly-utopian program over the next decade is estimated at between $US 50 billion and $US 100 billion per year.

Now, via Tim Dunlop, there’s a piece fromÊSachs himself saying

The cruelest twist, though, is that the all of the talk about US and UK compassion is accompanied by indifference where compassion is truly needed. Nine months ago, Bush spoke movingly about the tragedy of millions of people with AIDS turned away from African hospitals, because they were too poor to afford the drugs. During those nine months another two million or so Africans died, and the United States accomplished absolutely nothing to change the situation. The president’s much vaunted $15 billion five-year program for AIDS is on paper only.

This year Bush asked for only $200 million for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB, and Malaria, a sum equal to 1.5 days of spending on the US occupying forces in Iraq. The US annual contributions to fight malaria are less than the costs of one day’s occupation, and as a result, 3 million Africans will die needlessly from that preventable and treatable disease.

But who is talking about $87 billion for the 30 million Africans dying from the effects of HIV/AIDS, or the children dying of malaria, or the 15 million AIDS orphans, or the dispossessed of Liberia and Sierra Leone, or the impoverished children of America without medical insurance?

As Atrios notes in the comments thread, Sachs has certainly shown a side of his character no one would have suspected when he was prescribing shock therapy for Russia.

Lomborg, yet again

As I won’t be able to make Lomborg’s IPA address, I’ll repost, with marginal changes, an earlier piece setting out my views on him.The only thing that’s changed in the interim is that Lomborg has dropped his earlier pretence of being a leftwinger and repentant greenie, which was, as it were, his unique selling point (thanks to Dave Ricardo for this neat way of putting it). Anyway, here’s my piece.

This will, I promise, be the last thing I post in relation to Lomborg and Kyoto for some time. I want to explain a bit about the development of my ideas and why I’m so strongly pro-Kyoto and anti-Lomborg. I didn’t as ‘Robert Musil’ suggests, reach this position in some kind of green-liberal cocoon. Anyone who knows the ANU economics department, the Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics (ABARE) or Townsville, to name a few of my influences, will find this idea laughable.

Rather, I am an environmentalist for the boringly straightforward reason that I love natural environments and want to see them preserved. My favorite environments, reflecting the places I’ve lived most, are the Australian Alps and the Great Barrier Reef. If we get the kind of global warming that seems likely under ‘business as usual’, both will be destroyed or at least radically transformed.

In this context, I think it’s important to take some modest actions now so as to prepare for the need for more substantial reductions in CO2 emissions once the scientific doubts are resolved. If, as is possible but in my view unlikely, it turns out that the problem has been greatly over-estimated, and we have incurred some small economic losses (less than 3 months economic growth) needlessly, it will in my view have been a worthwhile insurance premium. In this context, Kyoto is far from ideal, but it’s the only game in town. The US Administration has given up pretending it has an alternative – it’s talking about adapting to climate change. This is fine for agriculture in the developed world and maybe even in the developing world, but it’s not an option for the Alps or the Reef. So, I’m 100 per cent for Kyoto.

On most other issues, I am, to coin a phrase, a ‘sceptical environmentalist’. That is, I accept the need to take substantial action to control pollution, make agriculture sustainable and so on. But I’ve never believed in the kind of doomsday scenarios postulated in the 1970s by the Club of Rome.

I’m also sceptical in the sense that I try to evaluate each issue on its merits, and to reach my own conclusions, rather than accepting or rejecting environmentalist claims holus-bolus. For example, I’m happy to eat GM food, provided it is properly labelled so I can make my own choices. Similarly, while I doubt that nuclear power is ever going to prove an economically viable energy source, even in the presence of high carbon taxes, I have no problem with mining and exporting uranium, subject to the usual environmental safeguards needed for mining operations in general.

With this background, I began with a very positive attitude towards Lomborg. He seemed to be taking a sensibly optimistic attitude towards environmental problems, pointing to our successes in fixing up pollution problems, the ozone layer and so on, rather than focusing on doomsday scenarios. Then I gradually realised that Lomborg only endorsed past actions to address environmental problems – whenever any issue came up that might involve doing something now, Lomborg always had a reason why we should do nothing. In particular,he came up with an obviously self-contradictory case for doing nothing about global warming, and gave a clearly biased summary of the economic literature on this topic, which I know very well.

After that, I looked at his story about being an environmentalist reluctantly convinced of the truth according to Julian Simon. As I observed a while ago, I first heard this kind of story in Sunday School, and I’ve heard it many times since. It’s almost invariably bogus, and Lomborg is no exception. You don’t need to look far to find errors in Simon’s work as bad as any of those of the Club of Rome, but Lomborg apparently missed them. Going on, I realised that Lomborg’s professed concern for the third world was nothing more than a debating trick – otherwise he wouldn’t have been so quick to dismiss emissions trading with poor countries as politically infeasible.

There’s nothing I hate more than being conned. Lomborg tried to con me, and, for a while, he succeeded. That’s why I’m far more hostile to him than to a forthright opponent of environmentalism like Simon.

Victimhood

Poor old Paddy McGuinness, still living somewhere in the twilight years of the Syndey Push, can’t seem to shake the addiction to the politics of victimhood that characterises so much of the Australian (and even more the American) right. In his recent column in praise of Keith Windschuttle and Bjorn Lomborg, he asserted “

Lomborg will not be speaking at any university campus, since these have become hotbeds of political intolerance where unpopular views are shouted down and the speakers often physically attacked

He doesn’t seem to have noticed that Windschuttle (whose quasi-racist views that the Tasmanian Aborigines were responsible for their own extinction by virtue of their degraded morals are far more offensive than anything Lomborg has to say) has repeatedly appeared on University campuses in debates that have been extensively reported in the blogosphere.

More directly to the point, his claim that Lomborg won’t be speaking on Australian campuses is false, a fact which was certainly known to Lomborg’s sponors, the Institute of Public Affairs, which obviously supplied McGuinness with his information. Lomborg will be speaking at the University of Queensland on October 1 (unfortunately, I’ll be in Canberra, at the Conference of Economists). When challenged on this blatant falsehood by Paul Norton of Griffith, the SMH provided the following response

Dr Jennifer Marohasy who provided some of the information about Lomburg to Paddy had the following experience when arranging for him to speak. PAddy did not have this most recent information when he wrote the article. An extract of Dr Marohasy’s email is included here.

When I (Jennifer Marohasy) first broached the idea of him (Lomburg) speaking in Brisbane at the University of Queensland campus my contacts in the Life Sciences Faculty were unhelpful and uninterested – and concerned that such a lecture would be controversial and divisive! Thus we were to hold the lecture at Custom’s House, a University property, but in the city.

However, given the nature of Bjorn Lomborg’s work and the relevance of it to those studying ecology etcetera I ended up going back to the Life Science’s Faculty accusing one of my old PhD supervisors along the lines of your article – and it was throw back at me that I now work for a right wing organisation, politically motivated etcetera etcetera. However, in the end the University did agree to host the lecture and on campus.

The quibble about the Customs House is nonsense. This is the University’s standard venue for speakers of general interest – in the year I’ve been here I’ve attended half a dozen university events there, and spoken at a couple of them. Marohasy knew when she briefed McGuinness that Lomborg could speak at UQ if he wanted to. As Norton points, out in an email, Griffith University wasn’t even asked, although it has regularly hosted speakers whose views could be presumed to be unpopular.

Reading McGuinness’ piece as a whole, the striking feature is the implicit assumption that while it’s OK for Paddy and his friends to dish out the vitriol, it’s blatant victimisation when they get a serve of their own medicine.

Krugman interview

If you haven’t already, you should read Calpundit’s interview with Paul Krugman. For regular readers of this blog, there’s nothing new – unsustainable Bush fiscal policies imply financial crisis partly by resolved by inflation, with a consequent increase in interest rates, frequent mention of Argentina etc. But Krugman says it better than I do, and Calpundit shows new possibilities for blogging with a rare instance of primary newsgathering.

Managerialism and professionalism, again

Linking back to my last post on this topic, Leaderlog has an interesting piece on Why managerialism trumps professionalism. Key point:

Where professionalism at its best is meant to be a mechanism for making things happen with the least interference (which makes a lot of sense in a period of expanding public health and education), when political pressure swings around to preventing things from happening, an internalised ethos is no match for promises of transparency and control.

McDonalds and soft power

This is the first second draft of my long-promised post on McDonalds and American soft power. I’ve had quite a few useful comments and have incorporate some, still digesting others. More comments much appreciated.

It’s hard to go anywhere in the world without running across American fast food chains like McDonalds and Starbucks, American movies and American sitcoms. This fact has led to lots of dubious inferences.

A particularly egregious example was Thomas Friedman’s Golden Arches Theory of Conflict Prevention, which held that no two countries with a McDonalds would ever fight a war. This theory was presented to the world in Friedman’s 2000 February 1999 bestseller The Lexus and the Olive Tree. A few months later, the USAF was bombing Belgrade, a city with seven McDonalds outlets.

More common than this kind of grand theorising are two inferences, one anti-American and one pro-American. More precisely, I should say “critical of/supportive of American economic and social institutions” since many of those who are most “anti-American” in this sense are domestic American social critics.

The anti-American inference is that America is a trashy and decadent society intent on forcing its low-grade way of life on to the rest of the world. One version of this inference is presented in Naomi Klein’s No Logo, though I’ve oversimplifed her message fairly drastically.

The pro-American inference is that the ubiquity of these American icons is evidence of American ‘soft power’ (a term coined by Joseph Nye in Foreign Policy in 1990) and proves that the rest of the world either loves and aspires to the American way of life or is jealous and hypocritically denounces Americanisation while secretly craving it. One version of this inference is presented by Fouad Adjami (link via Geoff Honnor). Again I’ve (over)simplified a complex argument to extract a central theme. Another reader (Ritu) mentions Fareed Zakaria in this context, raising the point that, in the current environment a Muslim-sounding name is probably an asset for someone writing in praise of American soft power.

Economists are generally suspicious of purely cultural accounts of economic outcomes, preferring to focus on technological issues such as factor endowments and on the effects of income and relative prices on demand patterns. This preference isn’t always right – cultural factors, industrial policies and pure chance have an important role to play – but it’s always worth considering the economic basics.

But there’s a standard economic analysis, dating back to the 1950s, that explains a lot about the prevalence of McDonalds without any need for a notion of ‘soft power’. Nicholas Gruen kindly sent me the following extract from one of his pieces, which I assume arose from debates over Australian car industry policy

In 1961, the economist Linder suggested that product specific scale economies and product differentiation combined with local tastes and transport costs to influence the pattern of trade in manufactures (1961: 87ff See also Kravis, I. B., (1956), “Availability and Other Influences on the Commodity Compositioin of Trade, Journal of Political Economy, Volume LXIV). In particular, he suggested that countries domestically manufacture differentiated products which can be manufactured at economic scale because they appeal to majority home market tastes. At the same time they import products to meet minority tastes. Minority tastes cannot be efficiently served from local manufacture because low levels of demand prevent local manufacturers achieving scale economies. Where these products meet majority tastes in other countries, they can be manufactured there at lower cost and then exported back to countries where they meet minority tastes. The resulting pattern of mass marketing at home and niche marketing abroad is well represented in many markets for manufacturers, not least the market for automobiles

Although I obviously picked up the ideas that were being tossed around during the car policy debate, I didn’t read the Kravis and Linder papers or maybe read them and forgot them [insert PJ O’Rourke drug allusion here] The Kravis-Linder model extends neatly to things like movies and McDonald’s franchises.

The most obvious common characteristic of chain restaurant franchises and movies is that of large fixed costs combined with effectively unlimited scale economies. A Hollywood movie can easily cost $100 million to make (the movie Titanic cost far more in real terms than the ship did), but once it’s made the cost of showing it is trivial. Similarly, a huge amount of expenditure goes into the creation of an instantly recognisable franchise like McDonalds or Starbucks, but the marginal cost of adding an extra outlet is relatively small. For brevity we’ll call both movies and franchise outlets “chain services”.

By contrast, the cost structure of an independent supplier, such as a coffee shop, restaurant or live entertainment venue is much flatter, and costs tend to increase beyond a certain size, rather than decreasing. On the other hand, the independent can tailor the product to a local market. The balance between independent local suppliers and chain services will depend on the amount of local variety or, conversely, on the homogeneity of the market as a whole.

It’s easy to see that the best market for which to produce a product of this kind is the biggest and most homogenous one, which, among the developed countries means America. Although America is not a homogenous society it’s at least as homogenous as any European country and about three times as large. So it’s not surprising that chain services have been most successful in America, to the extent that independent suppliers have been largely eliminated in many markets. Obviously, the optimal type and quality of services is that which matches the tastes of the average American consumer in the given market (which may be segmented but must be large).

Now think about similar markets in other countries. Chain services will be slower to develop, and less successful in competition with local independents because the potential market is smaller. This creates a opportunity for entry by American suppliers of chain services, whose fixed costs have already been paid in the American market, and who can therefore sell at lower prices.

An important consequence is that the market position of American chains is not the same in export markets as in America. Being designed for the American market, the product will not meet local tastes in export markets as closely, so it will be perceived as a low-quality, low-price product. This is most obvious with Starbucks, which is routinely used in America as a trope for luxury consumption (“Starbucks + upscale” gets 17600 hits on Google), while being regarded as distinctly second-rate in Australia. But even McDonalds has a noticeably higher status in America than in its overseas markets.

The big American chain service suppliers have tried to address this problem by tailoring their products more to foreign markets. But the more this is done, the less the cost advantages of multinational operation. Most attempts of this kind have been notably unsuccessful.

The same point applies to movies and particularly to TV, where the minimum efficient scale is lower. As soon as a country gets a big enough and rich enough market, and can establish its own TV industry, home-made shows (including local remakes of successful foreign shows) tend to take the top spots, while cheaper imports are used as filler. The US market is so big that the main networks almost invariably prefer a remake to the use of imported material.

What are the costs and benefits of all this. Obviously, Americans , considered as workers and investors, benefit from the fact that their scale economies give them cost advantages in markets for films, franchise production and so on.

This partly comes at the expense of other exporters. In talking about American ‘soft power’, it’s not often noted that, with some important exceptions such as computers, it’s rare nowadays to encounter American manufactured products outside the US. Looking around my house there’s a French car, some German whitegoods, and heaps of things made in Japan, East and Southeast Asia and even Australia. The only items that are obviously American are the Powerbook and its predecessors, and even they were mostly made in Singapore.

The effects on American consumers are ambiguous, but arguably negative on balance. Although they benefit from having films and chain restaurants tailored precisely to their tastes, they have far fewer alternatives than before the rise of the chains, particularly if their tastes differ a bit from the mean.

By contrast, precisely because the chain product is rather less attractive, consumers in markets outside the US tend to keep alternatives in existence. One of the traps for writers on ‘soft power’ is that, observing the proliferation of McDonalds, Starbucks and so on, they imagine that everyone in the countries they visit is a customer of these enterprises. This is, roughly speaking, true in the US, but the market share for these chains is smaller everywhere else.

A closely parallel analysis applies to language (thanks to Jack Strocchi for raising this point). There are big economies of scale and, as the language with the most (income-weighted) native speakers, English has a natural comparative advantage. So the natural outcome is one where English monoglots can make themselves understood almost anywhere, while non-native speakers of English who wish to function in the global economy must be, at a minimum, bilingual. If, as seems likely, bilinguality has cognitive benefits, as well as the obvious cost of learning a second language, the welfare effects have the same sort of ambiguity as McDonalds – the monoglots have lower cost and more convenience but less variety. [An interesting countertrend to all this is the rise of Spanish in the United States itself – to the point where native English speakers like George and Jeb Bush find it useful to be at least partly bilingual]

Even though a purely cost-based analysis works pretty well, it would be silly to dismiss ‘soft power’ altogether. Clearly, American movies and products do better at times and in places where the American way of life is viewed as cool and desirable. But relative prices are probably more important. Korean cars sell like hotcakes in Australia, but that doesn’t mean that the average Australian wants to move there.

Similarly, American movies sell well because economies of size mean they can have big budgets, and therefore, top-quality special effects and cinematography. That doesn’t mean that the average moviegoer or TV-watcher has any particular opinion about American foreign policy or social structure.

Less sophisticated audiences may be led to assume that the average American has the upper-middle class living standard typically presented in these productions. On the other hand, for middle-class consumers in developed countries, exposure to McDonalds and Starbucks leads to the equally misleading inference that American living standards are far below those prevailing in their own countries.

Cancun

Like most people, I suspect, I find the details of international trade negotiations eyeglazingly boring. So, I was as surprised as anybody when the WTO meetings in Cancun suddenly collapsed, with less developed countries walking out en masse.

The immediate cause seems to have been the fact that the meetings focused on liberalised investment rules (pushed by the Europeans) while the poor countries wanted to talk about agricultural barriers and to have their proposal treated equally with a joint EU/US offer.

The underlying cause, in my view, is that the WTO now lacks a real backer, that is, a rich and powerful country or group of countries who want it to play a central role. The UN is backed by the Europeans, the IMF (with occasional qualms) by the US and the World Bank by both. Until recently, the WTO had the backing of the US which was historically the world’s biggest exporter and stood to gain a lot from expanded trade.

But now the US has switched to a strategy of bilateral negotiations like the proposed FTA with Australia where it can extract better terms. Moreover, like most net importers, the US is becoming more protectionist as its trade deficits build up.

Finally, the aggressive overreach by the WTO itself (things like the tuna-dolphin decision, that led to the Seattle explosion a few years ago means that the organisation has few real friends among NGOs and the broader public.

Given that, in the dispute over US steel tariffs, the WTO is bound to rule against the US, and the US seems unlikely to back down, it’s conceivable, though still improbable, that the organisation could collapse completely in the next few years.