Low inflation targeting is such a dubious idea. Why did the Reserve Bank adopt it in the first place?

From The Guardian

The release of recent data suggesting that inflation appears to be stuck at 4%, above the Reserve Bank of Australia’s target range of 2% to 3%, has raised plenty of concern among economic and political commentators. These commentators might be surprised to learn that many, perhaps most, macroeconomists who have looked at the question have concluded that a 4% inflation rate would be the ideal target, at least providing that wages and other incomes kept pace.

The underlying reasoning is simple. Interest rates are the main tool of monetary policy. In a deep recession such as that following the global financial crisis, or in an emergency such as that created by the Covid-19 pandemic, it is desirable that the interest rate should be well below the rate of inflation. That is, the real interest rate, adjusted for inflation, should be negative.

But if the rate of inflation is too low, this policy is limited by the fact that interest rates can’t go below zero. Well, not much below – the European Central Bank cut its policy rate to -0.5% for several years, relying on the fact that banks could take a cut in their margins, while still charging positive interest rates to borrowers.

Once the zero lower bound for interest rates is reached, central banks are forced to rely on direct purchases of bonds and other securities. This policy, variously referred to as “quantitative easing”, “open market operations” or, less politely, “printing money” worked to prevent economic collapse, but created plenty of problems.

The majority of US economists in a 2017 survey agreed that a higher inflation target would enhance the ability of central banks to stimulate the economy during a recession. By contrast, there is no consensus on whether a 4% inflation rate would have any significant effect on the economic welfare of households.

If a low inflation target is such a dubious idea, why was it adopted in the first place? The answer, surprisingly enough, comes from New Zealand. The first central bank to adopt an inflation target was the Reserve Bank of New Zealand in 1989. The policy was introduced by the then Reserve Bank governor, Don Brash, later to reinvent himself as a rightwing (and then far-right) politician. Brash was backed by then finance minister, Roger Douglas, whose political career followed a similar trajectory.

A range of 0% to 2% was picked, without any theoretical basis, as the lowest that could plausibly be pursued. As Douglas said later, “I just announced it was gonna be 2%, and it sort of stuck.” While the NZ central bank was the first to adopt a 2% inflation target, others were quick to follow. The most important shift was by the US Federal Reserve, which also chose a 2% target, while initially avoiding a public commitment.

At the time, New Zealand was seen as being a star performer in economic reform, likely to overtake Australia in a matter of years. Even among those who did not share in the enthusiasm, it seemed reasonable to assume that, as it had done for most of the 20th century, New Zealand would maintain living standards similar to those in Australia.

In reality, though, New Zealand’s economic performance has been miserable. Income per person is below the Australian level. Net emigration to Australia (currently running at around 20,000 per year) reflects the higher wages and living standards available here.

While many explanations have been offered for New Zealand’s relative decline, the simplest is that of repeated failures in macroeconomic management. New Zealand has experienced a string of recessions since the adoption of inflation targeting, mostly reflecting excessively rigid application of tight monetary policy. Contrary to the idea of a recession as a temporary disruption, these recessions (particularly that of the early 1990s and the global financial crisis) seem to have shifted the country onto a permanently lower growth path.

Elsewhere, inflation targeting worked reasonably well until the GFC. But in the long period of depressed activity that followed, central bank interest rates were stuck at or near zero. Despite this failure, central banks retained the power and prestige they had attained in the early days of inflation targeting. Unsurprisingly, they have been highly resistant to any change to inflation targets, even though they have no convincing defence of the status quo. Instead, they rely on the fact that any change would be bad for faith in the central banks.

The recent review of the RBA spells this out. After conceding the strength of arguments for a higher inflation target, the review panel concluded: “Regardless of the merits of higher inflation in general, the Review does not recommend increasing the inflation target during the present period of high inflation. To do so could undermine the credibility of the RBA in responding to future periods of above-target inflation.”

Of course, once we have ground our way back down to the target, the idea of raising it will be dismissed; it would be throwing away costly gains.

So, if you are struggling with higher interest rates or worried about higher unemployment, remember that this is the price we have to pay to restore the “credibility” of the Reserve Bank.

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The edge of extinction

Referring back to this 2002 post defining “neoliberalism”, I find the claim that the “The (UK) Conservative party is hovering on the edge of extinction”. That wasn’t one of my more accurate assessments, and I’m bearing it in mind when I look at suggestions that the party is now “facing a defeat so dramatic it may not survive.” (that’s the headline, the actual suggestion is that the future may be one of “long periods of Labour with occasional periods of Conservative governments”

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The Left and THE LEFT: Responding to the crisis of soft neoliberalism

Brad DeLong (in a recent post summarising a joint podcast with Noah Smith) walks back his previous suggestion that it was time for neoliberals, among whom he had numbered himself, to pass the baton to “the Left”.

The political basis for this is that 20 or so Senate Republicans have been willing to pass legislation from time to time, rather than shutting down the government altogether. I don’t find this compelling, but I also don’t want to debate the issue.

Rather, I’m interested in the following remark, which crystallized a bunch of thoughts I’ve been having for some time

”How has the left been doing with its baton? Not well at all, for anyone who defines “THE LEFT” to consist of former Bernie staffers who regard Elizabeth Warren as a neoliberal sellout.”

This is a classic, indeed brazen, motte-and-bailey1, in which the hard-to-defend bailey “the Left of the Democratic party (of which Elizabeth Warren is a prominent member) is doing badly” is replaced by the motte “THE LEFT (as represented, in this case, by disgruntled former Bernie staffers) is doing badly”.

Two-panel image. The left panel is peaceful with symbols of feminism and environmentalism: a Venus symbol, a green Earth, and a tree. The background includes serene nature scenes and people peacefully advocating for women's rights and climate change. The right panel is dynamic, representing the revolutionary left with symbols like a raised fist, a red flag, and a hammer and sickle. The background is vibrant with revolutionary posters, graffiti, and people actively protesting.

The left and THE LEFT: from ChatGPT prompt, “draw an image with two panels, one peaceful with symbols of feminism and environmentalism and the other dynamic and representing the revolutionary left”

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Grading the Budget, or not

The Conversation asked economists about the budget. I thought the questions poorly framed.

Q: What grade would you give the budget, given Chalmers’ stated objective of “fighting inflation in the near term and then growth in the medium term”? A, B, C, D, E or F

My answer: An exclusive, or even primary, focus on a rapid return to an arbitrary inflation target represents a misconception of the role of fiscal policy.

I decline to offer a rating on this basis.

Considered more generally, I would give the budget a grade of C.

It is essentially a continuation of the policies of the previous Coalition government

Q: Is the budget likely to achieve its aim of getting inflation back within the RBA target band by the end of this year and back to 2.75% by mid next year?

My answer: Again, both the RBA and the government are acting in a way that is inconsistent with the RBA’s official objectives and with the government’s stated objective of sustainable full employment.

Nothing in our economic situation justifies the priority that is being placed on a rapid return to the RBA target range.

I decline to offer a rating

https://theconversation.com/top-economists-give-budget-modest-rating-and-doubt-inflation-will-fall-as-planned-230670